On 19th April 2018, King Mswati III announced that Swaziland was to be officially known as the ‘Kingdom of eSwatini’. The King said that the change of name was to mark 50 years of the country’s independence from the UK. However, 19th April was not the anniversary of the end of British rule. Rather 6th September is Swaziland’s Independence Day. The reason that Africa’s last absolute monarch chose to make this announcement on 19th April is because that is his birthday. Everything has to be about him.
It has been argued that Mswati III made this announcement to deflect attention from growing controversy regarding his ever-increasing expenditure on luxury items. If this is the case, the King failed to foresee that some Swazis would quickly realise that the change of name will likely have significant cost implications. Nevertheless, it is clear that the King believes that he has the right to do what he wants, whenever he wants. The wishes of the Swazi people are, for him, completely irrelevant.
The same applies to broader political affairs in the country. Swaziland is due to hold national elections later this year, probably in September, though the date has not yet been confirmed by the Elections and Boundaries Commission (which is headed by the Mswati III’s half-brother). However, as Action for Southern Africa has argued, Swaziland’s polity is fundamentally undemocratic. Political parties are banned from taking part in elections and many political activists are labelled ‘terrorists’ under the hated Suppression of Terrorism Act. Local chiefs – who report to Mswati III – have enormous influence over elections to the House of Assembly, and the King directly appoints two-thirds of the Senate. Moreover, the King appoints the Prime Minister and he can veto legislation. If anyone criticises the King then they are breaking the law.
It is therefore unsurprising that the 2013 national elections were condemned by international observers. For example, the Commonwealth Observer Mission recommended that the constitution should be revisited ‘through a fully inclusive, consultative process with all Swazi political organisations and civil society to harmonise provisions which are in conflict … to ensure that Swaziland’s commitment to political pluralism is unequivocal’. Similarly, the European Union (EU) Election Experts Mission highlighted numerous breaches of Swaziland’s international obligations and identified a ‘fundamental problem [with] the system of government and the respect for the principles of separation of power, rule of law and independence of the judiciary’.
Sadly, the Commonwealth and the EU have done little more than this. In fact, it is fair to say that they have actually undermined the work of their election observers. The Commonwealth Secretary-General, Patricia Scotland, has only used warm words when meeting with Mswati III. Incredibly, the EU’s Ambassador to Swaziland, Esmeralda Hernandez Aragones, has gone as far as to praise the King’s ‘wise and strong leadership’.
Whenever criticised, both the Commonwealth and the EU are quick to point out that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is highly reluctant to take action on Swaziland. It is true that SADC has failed to hold Swaziland to account for its violations of the SADC Treaty. Indeed, Swaziland’s absolute monarch was actually the Chairperson of SADC for one year from August 2016, during which time he even had the gall to urge the regional organisation’s leaders ‘to remain committed to the ideals and principles of the SADC Treaty’.
Incisive analysts fully understand that SADC has a very poor track record when it comes to tackling flawed elections and authoritarianism more broadly. Yet this is no excuse for democratic countries (such as the UK and US) or multilateral organisations that have democracy at the heart of their mandates (such as the Commonwealth and the EU) to ignore human rights abuses, autocracy and corruption. Instead, the leaders and representatives of these countries and organisations should be doing all they can to act as a shining example to the likes of SADC. That they are not acting in such a manner is a stain on all of their reputations.
It is simply not enough to note that elections in Swaziland are flawed. The international community must apply strong, consistent and public pressure on Mswati III using a variety of diplomatic and economic levers. Only then will the King accept the need to work with all Swazis, including his political opponents, so that the country develops a democratic constitution and becomes governed by those who are properly elected and truly accountable. And only then will the citizens of Swaziland have a government that is committed to rights, equality and development for all.
Sunit Bagree is Senior Campaigns Officer at ACTSA
This blog originally appeared on the Swaziland Human Right Network UK’s website